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Livres - Stevie Cameron - «On the Take - Crime, Corruption and Greed in the Mulroney Years - McClelland-Bantam
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PARTITO COMUNISTA ITALIANO MARXISTA-LENINISTA
il 3° Congresso nazionale del Partito Comunista Italiano Marxista-Leninista.
UN GRANDE P.C.I.M-L. PER L’ITALIA COMUNISTA
Congresso nazionale del Partito Comunista Italiano Marxista-Leninista (PCIML) si richiama espressamente all’imperativo del 2° Congresso del POSDR, allorquando Lenin
pose con risolutezza la questione della purezza delle file del partito: “Noi dobbiamo cercare di elevare l’appellativo e l’importanza di membro del partito ancora e ancora più
sulla teoria del marxismo-leninismo ovvero sul pensiero e sull’opera immortali di Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, il PCIML è costituito sulla base dei seguenti
interna del PCIML è retta secondo i capisaldi del centralismo democratico. Questo significa:
4. Per le sezioni, per le federazioni provinciali e regionali e per il partito nel suo complesso “il massimo organo deliberativo, le cui decisioni sono obbligatorie per tutti gli iscritti e per tutte le organizzazioni subordinate, è il Congresso, rispettivamente di sezione, provinciale, regionale e nazionale” (Statuto del PCIML, Art. 26).
5. La coesione, l’unità del PCIML “è garanzia essenziale per la realizzazione del suo programma, per la vittoria della classe lavoratrice e del popolo nella lotta per il socialismo. Tutte le formazioni di partito e tutti i compagni sono tenuti a difendere l’unità del partito contro ogni tentativo di disgregazione o di attività di frazione. La costituzione di gruppi frazionistici in seno al partito è rigorosamente proibita e viene colpita con sanzioni che possono giungere fino all’espulsione” (Statuto del PCIML, Art.46).
PCIML “si rafforza non soltanto aumentando il numero dei suoi aderenti ed elevandone la capacità politica e ideologica, ma avendo cura costante che non entrino né
rimangano nelle sue file elementi che gettino discredito sul partito stesso per la loro condotta, o abbiano dato e diano prova di viltà, o siano in qualsiasi modo agenti di nemici
politici del partito o veicolo della influenza di questi nelle sue file.
dell’analisi obiettiva dei processi in atto all’interno del paese e in campo mondiale, il “programma” fondamentale del PCIML è quello di guidare il proletariato
industriale, agricolo e del terziario – e le masse lavoratrici della città e della campagna, soprattutto i contadini, da esso diretti – alla conquista del potere politico:
PCIML, in forza della sua analisi concreta dell’odierna struttura economica italiana e delle classi sociali oggi in Italia, nonché delle presenti condizioni storiche
concrete interne ed internazionali, mette in primo piano, di volta in volta, in stretta connessione con l’obiettivo strategico primario del proletariato, quegli obiettivi intermedi di
lotta, quelle formule organizzative, quell’azione politica per legare al proletariato le opportune alleanze, ecc. che meglio rispondono alle condizioni concrete della lotta di classe.
Individuando, nella catena degli avvenimenti, “quell’anello particolare aggrappandosi al quale sarà possibile reggere tutta la catena”(Lenin), quell’obiettivo parziale il cui
raggiungimento prepara le condizioni e avvicina la soluzione dei compiti strategici. Dunque, analisi delle circostanze storiche e contingenti in tutti i loro aspetti e delle possibilità
di azione del proletariato di fronte ad esse; agitazione dei problemi e degli obiettivi più impellenti e propaganda della linea del partito con lo scopo di legare ad esso, attraverso la
difesa e la lotta per le loro rivendicazioni, le masse lavoratrici.
L’aggravarsi della crisi generale del capitalismo
capitalismo è una società priva di futuro, è un sistema storicamente condannato a morte. Già vive in uno stato comatoso, ma non saranno le cosiddette “rivoluzioni” borghesi e variopinte
a seppellirlo, compito che assolveranno le rivoluzioni socialiste guidate dai partiti nazionali marxisti-leninisti ovvero di natura bolscevica. La sua irreversibile e progressiva
decadenza può spingerlo a stragi di Stato efferate contro la classe lavoratrice e le masse popolari in lotta. Tocca al proletariato attrezzarsi per fronteggiarlo, ridurne al minimo le
conseguenze e seppellirlo definitivamente nel suo stesso fango di infamie, violenza e disumanità. Nella storia dell’umanità il capitalismo è l’ultimo sistema fondato sullo sfruttamento.
Dopo aver dato un vigoroso impulso allo sviluppo delle forze produttive, esso si è successivamente trasformato in un ostacolo sulla via del progresso sociale.
capitalismo monopolistico di Stato necessita del colpo
crisi generale – cioè sotto tutti gli specifici aspetti: economico, statale, politico, ideologico, culturale – del capitalismo monopolistico di Stato ha raggiunto un sì tale livello,
che necessita di una sola cosa:
(PER ULTERIORI APPROFONDIMENTI: Programma, Statuto e altri documenti del P.C.I.M-L.: Contro il revisionismo e il rivoluzionarismo astratto piccolo-borghese, per il marxismo-leninismo; Marxismo-Leninismo e revisionismo-opportunismo contemporaneo; La necessità per il proletariato del suo partito rivoluzionario: gli insegnamenti dei maestri del marxismo-leninismo. Documenti pubblicati sul sito del Partito all’indirizzo web www.pciml.org)
Forio (Napoli), 1 agosto 2013.
for the 3rd National Congress of the Italian Marxist-Leninist Communist Party.
It are integral part of the political report approved by the vacating Central Committee.
National Direction of the Party, Conferences Hall, Forio (Naples) 16-17 November 2013.
A GREAT P.C.I.M-L. FOR THE COMMUNIST ITALY
3rd Congress of the Partito Comunista Italiano Marxista-Leninista (Italian Marxist-Leninist Communist Party) (PCIM-L) refers expressly to the imperative of the
2nd Congress of the POSDR, when Lenin put with resoluteness the question of the purity of the rank and file of the Party: “We must try to elevate more and more the appeal and the
importance of member of the Party.
The success of all the action of the Party, in fact, its unity and its combativeness, derive from the degree of organization and from the strong conscience of class of the members of the Party.
Just the high requirement towards the communists assures the monolithic unity of the PCIM-L, its ability to keep to the guide of the working class and of the working masses, to guide the Italian people with strenuous firmness towards the aim of the Socialism.
To the PCIM-L are admitted, according to a rigorous selection, the most deserving representatives of the working class, of the farmers, of the progressive intellectuals. The PCIM-L, conformably to its revolutionary function, requires higher requisites to one who wants to become member of it and the full, unconditioned accomplishment, of its own duties by the enlisted.
The 3rd Congress of the PCIM-L emphasizes particularly the role of each communist: that one to be a fighter full of abnegation for the triumph of the proletarian cause, of the socialist revolution, of the ideals of the party, of which he must know deeply, understand and carry out the politics.
“The Italian Marxist-Leninist Communist Party”, we read in the Preamble of its Statute, “ is the political organization of advance guard of the working class and of all the workers, who, in the spirit of the glorious Revolution of October, of the Resistance and of the proletarian internationalism, and in the reality of the struggle of class, fight for the independence and the freedom of the country, for the elimination of the exploitation of the man over the man and for the building of the Socialism in Italy and in the whole world”.
Founded upon the theory of the Marxism-Leninism or upon the immortal mind and work of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, the PCIM-L is formed about the basis of the following
“1. In the present capitalistic social regime and on its imperialistic globalization develops an always growing contrast between the productive forces and the relations of production, giving origin to the antithesis of interest and to the struggle of class between the proletariat and the dominating bourgeoisie.
“2. The present relations of production are protected by the power of the bourgeois State, that, founded upon the representative system of the bourgeois democracy, represents the mean for the defense of the interests of the capitalistic class.
“3. The proletariat can’t violate and modify the system of the capitalistic relations of production, from which it derives its exploitation, without the cutting down of the bourgeois power.
“4. The indispensable mean of the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat is the class political party, formed by revolutionary high members. The Italian Marxist-Leninist Communist Party, having within itself the part most advanced and conscious of the proletariat, unifies the efforts of the working masses, turning them from the struggles for the interests of groups and for contingent results to the struggle for the revolutionary emancipation of the proletariat; it has the task to diffuse in the masses the revolutionary and of class conscience, to organize the material means of action and to direct in the development of the struggle the proletariat.
“5. The victory of the proletarian revolution, the building of the Socialism, and the edification of the Communism are possible only with the strong and continuous struggle to the Revisionism, to the Trotskyism and to each form of opportunism and of economism.
“6. After the cutting down of the bourgeois power, the proletariat cannot organize itself in ruling class only with the destruction of the bourgeois State apparatus, and with the instauration of its own dictatorship, that is, basing the elective representations of the State about the only productive class and excluding the bourgeois class.
“7. The form of political representation of the proletarian State is the system of the councils of the workers (workers of the industry, of the agriculture, of the handicraft, of the tourism, of the public being, of the commerce, of the conveyances, of the telecommunications, of the information and of the tertiary generally) already in action in the Revolution of October and in those succeeding ones in the countries of the carried out Socialism, particularly of the URSS, and before stable realization of the proletarian dictatorship.
“8. The necessary defense of the proletarian state against all the counter-revolutionary attempts.
“9. Only the proletarian State will be able systematically to carry out all the succeeding measures of intervention in the relations of the social economy by which the replacement of the capitalistic system will be carried out by the collective management of the production and of the distribution.
“10. By effect of this economical transformation and of the consequent transformations of all the activities of the social life, eliminating the division of the society by classes, it will go also in eliminating the needs of the political state, whose structure will be progressively reduced to that one of the rational administration of the human activities”(Statute of the PCIM-L, Art.1).
internal life of the PCIM-L is governed according to the principles of the democratic centralism. That means:
“a) that all the leading organisms are elected democratically by the members to the relative organization;
“b) that all the leading organisms have the engagement to relate periodically to the members in the organizations that they manage, near their activity;
“c) that all the leading organisms and the single members of it are always revocable by decision of those that are vested with their mandate;
“d) that closed the discussion and taken a decision, this is obligatory for all the members and for all the dependent organisms. The minority must accept and apply the decisions democratically taken by the majority with regular deliberation;
“e) that it is not tolerated in the party the constitution of fractions which break the unity of the same party or call in question the discipline of it;
“f) that the decisions of the higher organisms have obligatory character for the lower organisms” (Statute of the PCIM-L, Art.23).
4. For the sections, for the provincial and regional federations and for the party on its whole “the maximum deliberative organ, whose decisions are obligatory for all the members and for all the subordinated organizations, is the congress, respectively of national, regional and provincial section” (Statute of the PCIM-L, Art.26).
cohesion, the unity of the PCIM-L is essential guaranty for the realization of its program, for the victory of the working classes and of the people in the struggle for the
All the formations of Party and all the comrades are obliged to defend the unity of the Party against each attempt of disaggregation or of fraction activity.
The constitution of fraction groups within the Party is rigorously prohibited and it is injured with sanctions that can reach until the expulsion” (Statute of the PCIM-L, Art.46).
PCIM-L strengthens itself not only by increasing the number of its supporters and exalting the political and ideological ability of it, but taking constant care that it don’t
enter neither remain on its lines elements that bring discredit on the same party, for their behavior, or have given or give proof of vileness, or are in any way whatever agents of political
enemies of the party or vehicle of the influence of these ones within its organization of these in its lines.
“To defend the party by each form of opportunism, of revisionism, of Trotskyism it is duty that cannot be disregarded by each member” (Statute of the PCIM-L, Art.47).
Based on the objective analysis of the processes in act inside the country and in industrial field, the fundamental “program” of the PCIM-L is to guide the industrial and
agriculture proletariat - and the working masses of the city and of the country, specially the farmers, directed from it - to the conquest of the political power:
- demolishing the power of the bourgeoisie, depriving it of the political power, snatching the instruments of the power to it;
- breaking the bourgeoisie state machine, the bureaucratic, political and military apparatus of the bourgeois State and preparing the ground in order to put in place a new and different apparatus, that one of the proletarian State;
- creating finally the new State: the revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat, in a form or in the other, in order to carry out the aims and the tasks of the proletarian revolution, of the building of the Socialism.
Since each particular is inevitably bound to the general one, each diversity presupposes the identity, the period of transition from the Capitalism to the Socialism in Italy, even if in its original mark, it foresees the actuation of the laws, of the passage from the Capitalism to the Socialism, own to all the countries, and that is:
- the suppression of the capitalistic property and the instauration of the social property of the principal means of production;
- the gradual transformation of the agriculture on socialist basis;
- the planned development of the national economy, turned to the building of the Socialism and the Communism, to the raising of the level of life of the workers;
- the actuation of a socialist revolution in the field of the ideology and of the culture, that includes the re-education of the old intelligentsia, the formation of a new intelligentsia coming from the lines of the proletariat, faithful to the worker people, and to the cause of the Socialism, likewise a general raising of the cultural level of all the people;
- the liquidation of the national oppression and the instauration of the equality as matter of fact, of a real parity of rights and of a brotherly friendship among the peoples;
- the defense of the conquests of the Socialism from the attacks of the internal and external enemies;
- the solidarity of the Italian working class with the working class of all the other countries over the basis of the principles of the proletarian Internationalism (Program of the PCIM-L, 7.II)..
PCIM-L, based of its concrete analysis of the today’s Italian economical structure and of the social classes today in Italy, likewise of the present historical concrete
internal and international conditions, puts in the first place, time by time, in strict connection with the strategic principal objective of the proletariat, those intermediate aims of
struggle, those organizational methods, that political action to connect to the proletariat the right alliances, etc. that better answer to the concrete conditions of the struggle of class.
By identifying, in the chain of the events, “that particular ring grasping to whom it will be possible hold all the chain” (Lenin), that partial aim whose reaching prepare the conditions and brings the solution of the strategic tasks. Then, analysis of the historical and contingent circumstances in all their aspects and the possibilities of action of the proletariat facing them; agitation of the problems and the most urgent objectives and propaganda of the line of the party with the aim to connect to it, through the defense and the struggle for their vindications, the working masses.
The PCIM-L considers the struggle for the immediate vindications of the workers inseparable from the direction of the primary aim of the proletariat, from its general perspective.
The struggle for the immediate vindications depends and is part of the strategy, in the measure in which it doesn’t develop itself disconnectedly and separately context, which fixes the presuppositions and the perspectives for it.
The tactics is typical of the opportunism, it is the most repugnant expression of the will of collaboration with the dominant classes. A conception of the tactics that reduces it in common tactics means, practically, an overestimation of the need to accept some compromises in determined conditions and to conform the strategy and the perspective of wide breath to the events of “day by day”, to the daily lowest circumstances, forgetting in a such way the need of the struggle in order to realize the revolutionary objectives (Program of the PCIM-L, 7.IV).
The growing worse of the general crisis of capitalism
9. The capitalism is a society devoid of future, it is a system historically condemned. Already is
living in a comatose state, but will not be the so-called bourgeois and colorful “revolutions to bury him, a task that will fulfill the socialist revolutions led by the Marxist-Leninist
national Parties or of Bolshevik nature. Its irreversible and progressive decay can push him to State heinous massacres against the working class and the struggling popular masses. It is up to
the proletariat to gear up to face him, to minimize the consequences and bury it for good in his own mud of infamy, violence and inhumanity.In
the history of the humanity the capitalism is the last system based on the exploitation.
After have given a vigorous impulse to the development of the productive forces, it successively has transformed itself into an obstacle on the road of the social progress.
The historical trajectory of the capitalism, its course, is the trajectory of the growing worse of its essential contradiction, the contradiction between the social type of the production and the private capitalistic form of appropriation, of the increase of the exploitation of the working class and of all the workers, of the exasperation of the struggle between the work and the capital, between exploited and exploiters, it is the course of the economical crisis, of the political-social subverting, of the wars of conquest and of the conflicts, all motives of serious disasters for the workers, for the worker and popular masses.
The intensification of the development of the capitalist finance market, of that stock and money one with his infamous derivatives, a result of the crisis of industrial overproduction and of the huge accumulation of capitals, does not free the capitalism from the grip much more choking of his crisis of system and indeed emphasizes the fundamental contradiction. It is a market as many infamous, which is used by capitalism as a mean of further exploitation and impoverishment of the living conditions of the proletarian masses
On a context of monopolistic capitalism of State, that unites strictly the force of the monopoly and of the State, the contradiction between the productive forces increased on enormous way and
the capitalistic relationships of production becomes more and more sharp and strident.
It is growing worse the internal instability of the economy, that is expressed on the decrease, on the slowing up of the general rhythms of increase and on making deeper the cyclic and structural crisis more and more intermixed. The deficits of budget and the state debts reach, as matter of fact, that is without “account” deceits, incalculable amounts, the unemployment of mass has become a real and its own “condition”, the unemployment as much of mass, the precariousness and the ultra-exploitation raised to “system”, the real inflation are at this point events of ordinary capitalistic administration.
The unceasing reprise of vigor and the strengthening of the great monopolistic groups, of the voracious and never sated multinationals that gain immense profits, by exploiting the workers at world level is a straight consequence of the capitalistic concentration and the internationalization of the production.
The rapacious multinationals are at the origin of the continuous attempts of destabilization of not few independent young States.
The monopolistic bourgeoisie, the financial oligarchy commits continual maneuvers to let not exceed and to accommodate itself to the changed circumstances.
Its “committee of business”, the capitalist State, distributes again -especially through the budget, a substantial part of the national revenue on behalf of the heavy capital, it tries to enslave to its own interests the most recent technical-scientific conquests.
The old mechanism of the exploitation is renewed: it has become more complex and sophisticated.
Sumptuous profits are drawn by the psycho-physical forces and by the professionalism of the workers.
More and more frequent and straight become the attacks of the monopolies and of the bourgeois State to the conquests of the workers and to their level of life.
In the capitalist society, becomes more and more serious the social consequences of the technical-scientific revolution. ”Set again at liberty” by chiefs, expelled from the factories, million of workers are condemned to the professional deskilling and to material privations.
Million of young struggle on a situation perennially without opening, they can’t find an adequate - but not even ”inadequate“- application to their forces and their acquaintances.
The unemployment of mass -with the real perspective of an its further increase, lasts with every economic conjuncture.
Also on the agrarian sector of the economy, the monopolies have conquered at this point strong positions of power.
The life of million of peasants depends entirely on the oscillations of the market and on the free will of the monopolies.
Particularly serious is the destiny of the peasants in the ex-colonies and half colonies. Little and middle businessmen citizens, exploited by the great capital, depend at this point not only on the “official” financial network, but more and more by the parallel financial network of the minute usurers.
Millions of human beings, not only in the “underdeveloped countries“, but also in those so said “developed“, live in extreme poverty, are illiterates, homeless, and are deprived of medical assistance.
It is accentuated each form of racism and discrimination towards to the “non-EU citizen” generally; the rights of the women are more and more vilified indeed.
On political competence, it is typical of the imperialism, the tendency to strengthen the reaction on each sector. There, where the workers, with a strong struggle of class, are succeed in obtaining determined democratic rights, the monopolistic-state capital induces a stubborn attack and more and more often, ably disguised as ”national interest” to such rights.
On circumstances more “difficult “or “dangerous”, it applies resolutely to the political blackmail, to the repressions, terror and to the punitive actions.
On political side the neo-fascism – on “double breasted“- and flatly squad - “black”, “blue” and “green” - at this point “cleared“ by “democratic” would-be bourgeoisie and by its ideologues in the name of presumed specious “fulfilled democracy“, have taken and takes possession more and more with impunity on each ganglion of the “democratic“ bourgeois formal institutions.
There, where the usual and well tested methods to repress the workers achieve the wanted effect, the imperialism installs, lays and protects reactionary and tyrannical dictatorships for an open military repression of the progressist forces.
In order to weaken the international solidarity of the workers, the imperialism foments and provokes flatly, with impunity, the chauvinism, the national egoism, and the racism, the contempt for the rights and interests of the other peoples and for their historical-cultural national heritage.
The anti-humanitarian ideology of the capitalism with its unrestrained cult of the egoism and of the individualism, of the violence and of the free will, the anti-communism as “life rule“, the exploitation of the culture as source of gain, cause a spiritual desolation of the society, bring to its real and specific moral degradation of it. A society more and more handled by the “organized“ criminality and “terrorism“, generated and nourished by the imperialism. More and more fatal it becomes the part of the so-called bourgeois “mass media“ and of the Church, that manage and make stupid the conscience of the mankind in the interest of the predominant class.
Inside the capitalistic system are formed three principal centers of inter-imperialistic competition: USA, Western Europe and Japan, with the dreadful, pursuing, free trader China. Between them it becomes more intense the competitive struggle for the opening market, the ranks of use of the capital, the sources of raw materials, for the hegemony of the key-sectors of the technic-scientific progress.
Besides on the basin of the Pacific Ocean and on Latin America, new economic and political centers of competition, are creating specially in ex-URSS and in ex-socialist area of Europe.
The contradictions between the bourgeois State become worse. The hegemonic ambitions and the insatiable politics of the north-American monopolies, ready, to their benefit, to sacrifice the interests and security of other States, also of those allies, provoke more and more alarm on the world.
The imperialism is responsible not only for the incommensurable and always growing differences on the level of the economic development between the industrial countries of the capital and the majority of States of recent liberation: it is also faulty of genocide and responsible for the permanency on the earth of very immense zones of hunger, poverty, of multiple epidemical illnesses, of import of inexpressible depravations in each zone where it has gained a footing.
It opposes a ferocious resistance to the social progress, attempts to stop the course of the history, to kneel down the people that long for the Socialism, to take a social revenge to level planetary. The imperialistic powers, on love and agree with the joint-owner “apostolic-Roman” Church, tries to coordinate their strategic economic politic and ideological planes, tries to create a common front armed of “preventive”/preservative struggle and of apocalyptical perpetual “humanitarian interference” against all that “it is not democratic“ for the big business or imperialistic standard, against all the revolutionary defined “terrorist” movements and of liberation.
In defiance of the will of the supreme people, the imperialism tries to private them of the right to choice on autonomic way its own way of development, threats their security.
It doesn’t want to reckon with the politic realities of the modern world. It is the primary reason to rise conflicts and imperialistic “tribal wars“ in several regions of the world.
The center of the word reaction is the USA imperialism. Really by this citadel of the word reaction it comes above all the threat of war. Aiming at the power of the entire planet, it claims the right to do and undo at home of others, to intervene militarily on each corner of the earth, declaring arbitrarily entire continents zone of “vital interests USA”.
The ignoble politics of “ultimatums“, of extortions, of imposition of unequal relations to other States, of full and unconditioned support to repressive anti-popular dictatorships, of discrimination against countries that are not congenial to USA, disorganizes the political-economic interstate relations, prevents their normal development.
The continuous confirmation of the criminal nature of the imperialism, is shown by the strong proliferation of the “preventive” nuclear weapons, of “star-shield“ as offence, and of other type.
Such a death production ensures to the monopolies incalculable profits. The always growing military expenses are a real and own dead weight upon the shoulders of the workers.
Disappeared the apparent “enemies of once“, the Military-Industrial Ensemble (the monopolies that produce arms, the caste of the generals, the state bureaucracy, the ideological apparatus, the militarized science, the psycho-physical control systems always much more sophisticated and invasive) and the imperialistic state power have built by themselves promptly new “enemies in the third and fourth world“ to continue with quick rhythm and for ever and ever their instruments of extermination “defensive” as offence.
The intensification of the politics of adventure and assault, the growing danger of war, are a clear evidence of political and ethic-social vacuity of the capitalistic system, propped by force of arms.
The imperialism is the putrefied capitalism, is the eve of the socialist revolution. No false “end of Communism” , no “reform” and no “global” manoeuver of the today’s capitalism can mystify and cancel its laws of development, not less also can eliminate the strong, irreconcilable antagonism between toil and capital, causing the coming out of the capitalistic system historically condemned by the situation of crisis and of general decomposition. The dynamics of the capitalistic development is so not modifiable that every invention of the capitalism to strengthen its own positions lead inevitably and irreparably to a growing worse of all its contradictions.
The neocolonialist politics of the imperialism intensifies the anti-imperialistic struggle of the peoples and of the countries for their total independence. The liquidation of the colonial system of the imperialism, the rise of numerous independent States from its ruins is an incontestable historical conquest of the revolutions and of the movements of national liberation, sprung from the great impulse of the glorious Socialist Revolution of October.
But the imperialism is not resigned to the loss of “its“ colonies. Realizing a politics of neocolonialism, it aims to private of subject the supremacy conquered at exceed prize by young States. It aims not only to maintain the control on them, but right to strengthen it.
It tries to attract them not only in the capitalistic orbit, but also on that militaristic, it tries to utilize them as a kind of head of bridge for its own aggressive global strategy.
To follow such aims, the imperialists resort to the used and well tested methods: military pressure, economic imposition, support to internal reaction.
Besides being responsible of the past colonial and of the withdrawal of the States of recent liberation, the imperialism carries today also the responsibility of the difficulties that these countries meet on the road of their economical development, because it represses deliberately the process of economical decolonization of them.
Likewise, still, increases also the resistance of the peoples of these countries to a politics of robbery and banditry. They continue with always more force, to fight against the neocolonialism and local bourgeoisie, its accomplice, against the interference on their internal affairs, against the racism and apartheid, against each form of enslaving to the “occidental models” (Program of the PCIM-L, 1.).
THE MONOPOLISTIC CAPITALISM OF STATE NEEDS THE REVOLUTIONARY FINISHING STROKE
The general deep crisis - that is under all the specific aspects: economical, state, political, ideological, cultural - of the monopolistic capitalism of State has reached a such level
that it needs an only thing: the revolutionary finishing stroke.
Without this subjective necessary intervention, there is no doubt that the system of exploitation will survive: not more strong, but more aggressive and overweening than before. Always at the expense, it is clear, of the blood of the proletariat, of the popular and working masses.
The today’s developments, the objective processes of the capitalistic society, -particularly that Italian one - that can be identified, are those, in the first place, to concentrate of the real (economical) power on more and more limited groups; of the always incessant greater subordination - direct and indirect - of the various economical forms to the headquarters of the monopolistic power; to the displacement in a mass of farmers from the work of the ground to the work in the industry (particularly in that agro-food ones); to the passage of workers, until some years ago still illusively “independent”, to a more direct dependence from the monopolistic headquarters of the power.
Practically, it happens a separation more and more growing of the worker from the productions of his own work: the process of exploitation, of alienation, magisterially explained by Marx, becomes, in a time, wider, more omni-comprehensive, more “global”.
The accentuated aggressiveness of the imperialism, in order to translate in a greater ability of penetration among the masses of its own ideology, it affects itself more and more impudently of “universal” calls of “democratic” kind trying with this vulgar mystification to give an ideological justification to its own politics of “globalized” nefariousness.
Thank also to the ruling neo-liberalism and to the present Manchester government composed by the scum of the bourgeoisie, whose politics is managed to satisfy the demands and the interests of the great bourgeoisie and of the parasitic layers, interests that it represents, expresses and defends, are deepened the inequalities of class in all the fields, in special way in the field of the education and of the health service.
The social conquests of the workers, wrested in the time by a strong struggle of class, are attached, brought on discussion, totally cancelled on all the front, derided with contempt and even deserved of blame at entire advantage of the capital.
The international organizations and the overstate organisms that represent, express and defend the interests of the transnational capital have directed the ideological campaign aimed to justify the politics that imposes the strongest methods of the capitalistic exploitation.
The attitude of the so called bourgeois “left”, apart from the demagogy, is also clear: like the bourgeoisie “of right”, the bourgeois heap “of left” identifies the interests “of the country” with the interests of the great capital. The arguments on behalf of their politics direct against the workers that live on their own wage are borrowed by the more fraudulent “liberal” bourgeois theory.
To arrest this politics and this ideology of the so called neoliberalism, to arrest this turn on the right of the bourgeoisie “of right”, “of center” and “of left”, it is necessary a politics that answers to the interests of the workers and that is frontally directed against the capital, it is necessary the connected struggle of the workers and the firm vindication of its own interests by the working movement free from the co-managed logics of the reformist-bourgeois union.
The power of the capital and its present politics clashes with the general interests of the popular vast layers. To unify these interests in consideration of the necessary revolutionary finishing stroke to this rotten system, it is of vital importance.
The necessary political unity must start from the proletariat and directed by its organized advance guard. To this unification can compete the various popular layers that suffer the power of the great capital.
Upon computation, the need of a revolutionary change becomes more and more impellent: the conflict among the interests of the great capital and the interests of the uncommonly great majority of the people, because of the politics carried forward by the power of the monopolies, is further and unsustainably accentuated and exacerbated.
Such antagonism is based upon the more and more strident contradiction among the requires of the great modern production, more and more social, and the maintenance in branches of social relations founded about the private monopolistic appropriation.
Therefore, the fundamental contradiction of the society is and remains the contradiction between capital and work, between monopolistic bourgeoisie and working class.
The State, in its part against what imagine certain grotesque little-bourgeois revolutionary and some “persons who carry out expropriation” at the supermarkets who sell their bourgeois prowess as anticipation of the future, doesn’t stand idle, it is not in the least “retired” by its fundamental function, on the contrary: more increases the importance of the monopolistic groups in the society, more their expansion, the widening of their production requires the more and more massive intervention of the State.
Its more and more vast and massive intervention, whatever are the forces and the instruments of it, behaves in fact upon the main aspects of the social life; it conditions deeply the economical base, which on last analysis determines all the development of the society.
From the other part it is necessary to understand that not even the most unbridles “liberal” or “liberalist” and individualistic representatives of the property-owner classes can do without the capitalist State as instrument of defense of the class and of repression of the proletariat, although it is a burden for them under other aspects.
For the monopolistic bourgeoisie and its State is politically of “capital” importance to disguise the reality of the exploitation to prevent that the working struggles find their opening on the political plan that is not that one of the politicking and of the bourgeois-revisionist newspeak.
The monopolistic bourgeoisie and its “committee of affairs” (State) lead an incessant, hammering, whole multiform ideological campaign towards the proletariat and all the not monopolistic layers.
So while to the Church with its not last “mission” of speculation on Stock Exchange and to the other over-structured small churches - kept standing not casually with public contributions – coadjutor of the blind tyranny of the capital is entrusted the known and usual task of spiritual breaking of the masses, the monopolistic bourgeoisie and its “committee of affairs” lead personally their propaganda all concentrated on the “economical questions” of course destined, in first place, to the proletariat.
The important, for the financing oligarchy, for the monopolistic bourgeoisie is to insinuate doubts, to distort, to calumniate, in short: to fight the scientifically founded conception - the Marxism-Leninism - that helps the workers to orientate in the struggle against the capital and its liquidation.
All it is said, written and taught in the interest of the capital. The manipulation of the masses is one of the tasks of living importance for the monopolistic and its “bad cops” of “opinion”.
For the proletariat, for the workers, on the contrary, it is a political matter of life or of death to lay bare the roots of the capitalistic exploitation and its forms that today are assuming.
Only through the struggle of class and the necessary decided political-revolutionary attack, one will be able to abolish this rotten, pernicious and historically exceeded system, the exploitation of the man over the man. Diversely, nothing of essential and of radical will be never able to change in such society for the simple reason that the antisocial, antihuman, monopolistic criminal bourgeoisie will renounce never spontaneously to its criminal privileges, that is to the foundations of its political and economic guilty power.
Just for this reason, it is impossible that the monopolistic capitalism of State transforms itself “gradually” in a perfidious as much illusory “economical democracy that opens the direction to the Socialism”, so as affirmed yesterday the miserable revisionist leaders of the PCI - “turn of Salerno”, and as affirm today the leaders, deserving continuators of those, of the not less miserable, “Partito della Rifondazione Comunista” (Party of the Communist Refounding ), “Partito dei Comunisti Italiani” (Party of the Italian Communists), Sinistra, Ecologia e Libertà (Left, Ecology and Freedom) and other similar Siamese parties that sabotage the revolution and that repudiate the same meaning of the Communism, and therefore we do not still see what these miserable pretended “communists” are fighting if not exactly to support the capitalist society, reactionary ‘consecrated’ revisionists, as would say their mentor Lagardelle, to the “socialism of the electoral ballot-boxes” and connected “financing of the State”.
The “gradualism” is what the revisionists - that is the camouflaged by “communists” bourgeois men - of all the times have always maintained. The results are before all’s eyes. Really, without an external intervention, the passage from the capitalism to the Socialism, to the society of the workers, is impossible. That means that the passage to the Socialism and then to the Communism will be able to be carried out only thank to the revolutionary necessary action of the proletariat and, with it, of the social layers that, at different levels, they suffer the expense of the economical politics of the monopolistic capital and for this reason are objectively driven to form an alliance with the class of the social progress.
“The reformist correction on the basis of the imperialism is nothing else than a deceit, a pious desire” (Lenin).
The historical placement of the imperialism is clear: it is the parasitic, dying capitalism, it is the eve of the social revolution of the proletariat. It is at this point in its “globality” and in its “globalization”, in advanced putrefaction in such point “putrefied” that it must leave its place to a different and deeply human social arrangement: the Socialism.
The existence of the material bases of the Socialism can not however substitute itself to the working and popular necessary action over the monopolistic bourgeoisie and over its “committee of affairs”; on the contrary, in the today’s period of the monopolistic capitalism, the action of the masses is a resolutive maker that assumes an always growing importance, and that must be practised about a triple plane: economical, political and ideological until to the coup de grace of this criminal, inhuman, antihuman, antisocial, infamous system, to establish through the own organizational and organized instruments the finally human society: the Socialism and then the Communism, where the reign of the freedom will succeed to that one of the necessity.
Program, Statute and other documents of the P.C.I.M-L; Against the petty-bourgeois abstract revisionism and revolutionarism, for the Marxism-Leninism; Marxism-Leninism and contemporary
revisionism-opportunism; The need for the proletariat of its revolutionary Party: the teachings of the teachers of the Marxism-Leninism.
Documents published on the website of the Party: www.pciml.org)
(Naples), 1 August 2013
PARTITO COMUNISTA ITALIANO MARXISTA-LENINISTA (ITALIAN MARXIST-LENINIST COMMUNIST PARTY)
Rivoluzione Socialista d’Ottobre indica al proletariato ed alle masse popolari l’unica via per la propria salvezza
Il capitalismo e le sue tragedie sociali possono essere seppelliti solo dalla Rivoluzione Socialista, prepariamola con la lotta e la militanza di classe. Gloria eterna ai Maestri della Rivoluzione Socialista Marx, Engels, Lenin e Stalin! Il 7 novembre i comunisti, i rivoluzionari, la classe operaia di tutto il mondo ricordano e festeggiano l’anniversario della immortale Rivoluzione Socialista d’Ottobre.
La borghesia e i loro portaborse revisionisti e socialdemocratici faranno, come al solito, di tutto per oscurare e infangare tale data, o cercheranno di alterarne contenuto e lezioni, magari dedicandole qualche insignificante articolo o convegno di tipo storico in cui la falsificazione e la denigrazione sono l’aspetto principale. In quanto marxisti-leninisti, riteniamo all’opposto la rivoluzione bolscevica un evento profondamente attuale e colmo di preziosi insegnamenti per la lotta odierna delle classi sfruttate ed oppresse. Nell’epoca dell’imperialismo in cui viviamo, con la continuazione e l’approfondimento della crisi economica, le contraddizioni fondamentali e i mali incurabili del capitalismo si sono aggravati, a tal punto che esso pone oggi materialmente in pericolo la stessa sopravvivenza fisica delle masse proletarie. Sfruttamento, disoccupazione, precarietà dei rapporti di lavoro, fame, miseria, guerre imperialiste, reazione politica, devastazione ambientale: questi sono i soli regali che l’imperialismo può offrire alle masse lavoratrici del pianeta. In queste condizioni, le forze rivoluzionarie della classe operaia e dei popoli sono oggettivamente cresciute su scala internazionale. Stiamo assistendo ad un importante risveglio delle lotte e della mobilitazione della classe operaia e di vasti strati sociali su scala internazionale e nel nostro paese. I popoli oppressi si confrontano sempre più duramente con l’imperialismo. Tutto il sistema è maturo per la rivoluzione sociale del proletariato, la cui idea oggi torna di nuovo all’ordine del giorno. Non solo: la rivoluzione proletaria ha dimostrato e si dimostra ancora oggi, al proletariato ed alle masse popolari, la sola via d’uscita dalla crisi generale del capitalismo. “Terze vie” e progetti riformistici assortiti hanno dimostrato soltanto la loro fallacia e complicità con gli sfruttatori. La rivoluzione socialista, pur se oggi non di immediata fattibilità nel nostro paese, costituisce l’unica prospettiva concreta, cui dobbiamo prepararci. Questo è il compito che devono assumere con piena responsabilità le avanguardie del proletariato per farla finita col dominio del capitalismo e sulle sue rovine edificare un nuovo mondo, libero dallo sfruttamento e dall’oppressione capitalista. La rivoluzione delle classi sfruttate non si costruisce però dal nulla. La Rivoluzione Socialista d’Ottobre ha altresì dimostrato il ruolo determinante del partito comunista, anche se inizialmente di piccole dimensioni, purché armato della teoria marxista-leninista e ben radicato nella classe operaia. Senza un forte partito d’avanguardia del proletariato, fondato sui principi del marxismo-leninismo e dell’internazionalismo proletario, la rivoluzione sociale e la costruzione della società socialista sono impossibili. Nel nostro paese, in particolare, è però fortemente arretrato, a fronte delle condizioni oggettive, proprio il fattore soggettivo della rivoluzione. Dobbiamo dunque risolvere, in primo luogo, la questione urgente ed improrogabile dell’unità dei comunisti e della costruzione di un grande partito. Occorre dunque sviluppare il lavoro su questo fronte fondamentale. La costituzione del Comitato Nazionale di Unità Marxista-Leninista, oggi ai primi passi, è un importante passaggio di questo percorso. Il CONUML può dare impulso al superamento della frammentazione esistente fra le vere forze comuniste italiane e a raggiungere un superiore livello di unità organica dei comunisti volto alla formazione del partito rivoluzionario della classe operaia, basato sui principi del comunismo e dell’internazionalismo proletario. Esso si pone oggi come uno strumento cui tutte le realtà autenticamente comuniste, i migliori elementi del proletariato, i giovani rivoluzionari devono fare proprio e rafforzare, se vogliono veramente offrire il loro apporto alla costruzione di un grande Partito comunista. Oggi vi sono condizioni importanti per avanzare con questo proposito, perciò dobbiamo avanzare nell’unità e nell’organizzazione. Questo è senza dubbio il miglior modo di ricordare e festeggiare l’anniversario della Rivoluzione Socialista d’Ottobre.
COMITATO NAZIONALE DI UNITA’ MARXISTA-LENINISTA
Partito Comunista Italiano Marxista-Leninista
Per contatti e informazioni:
October Socialist Revolution shows to the proletariat and the masses the only way for their safety
Capitalism and its social tragedies may be buried only by the Socialist Revolution, let us prepare it with the struggle and class militancy. Eternal glory to the Masters of the Socialist
Revolution: Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin! On November 7, the communists, the revolutionaries, the working class of all the world remember and celebrate the anniversary of the
immortal October Socialist Revolution.
The bourgeoisie and their lackeys revisionists and social democrats will do, as usual, everything to darken and tarnish that date, or will seek to alter the content and lessons , perhaps dedicating to this event some insignificant item or conference of historical nature where the falsification and the denigration are the main aspect. As Marxist- Leninists, we consider, on the contrary, the Bolshevik Revolution an event deeply relevant and full of valuable teachings for the daily struggle of the exploited and oppressed classes. In the era of imperialism where we live, with the continuation and deepening of the economic crisis, the fundamental contradictions and incurable diseases of capitalism have worsened, insomuch as it poses today materially endanger the same physical survival of the proletarian masses. Exploitation, unemployment, precariousness of labor relations , hunger, poverty, imperialist wars, political reaction, environmental devastation: these are the only gifts that imperialism can offer to the working masses of the planet. Under these conditions, the revolutionary forces of the working class and peoples are objectively grown on international scale. We are witnessing a major revival of the struggles and the mobilization of the working class and of vast social strata on an international scale and in our country. The oppressed peoples are facing much more hardly with imperialism. The whole system is ripe for social revolution of the proletariat, whose idea now back again on the agenda. Not only: the proletarian revolution has shown and proved even today, to the proletariat and the people masses, the only way out of the general crisis of capitalism. "Third way " and assorted reform projects showed only their fallacy and complicity with the exploiters. The socialist revolution, even if today is not of immediate feasibility in our country, is the only real prospect, to which we must prepare. This is the task that the vanguards of the proletariat must assume with full responsibility to get it over with the rule of capitalism and build, on its ruins, a new world, free from exploitation and oppression of capitalism. The revolution of the exploited classes, however, can not be built from scratch. The October Socialist Revolution has also demonstrated the crucial role of the Communist Party, although initially small, if armed with the Marxist-Leninist theory and rooted in the working class. Without a strong vanguard party of the proletariat , based on the principles of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism, the social revolution and the building of socialist society are impossible. In our country, in particular, is, however, strongly backward, in the face of objective conditions, just the subjective factor of the revolution. Therefore, we must solve, in the first place, the urgent and impelling issue of the unity of the communists and the construction of a major party. It is therefore necessary to develop the work on this main front. The establishment of the National Committee of Marxist-Leninist Unity, now in its infancy, is an important step of this path. The CONUML can give impetus to overcome the fragmentation that exists between the real Italian communist forces and to achieve a higher level of organic unity of the communists aimed at the formation of the revolutionary party of the working class, based on the principles of communism and proletarian internationalism. It stands today as a tool to which all realities, authentically communist, the best elements of the proletariat, the young revolutionaries have to endorse and strengthen, if they really want to make their contribution to the construction of a large Communist Party. Today, there are important conditions to advance with this regard, so we have to move forward in unity and organization. This is without a doubt the best way to remember and celebrate the anniversary of the October Socialist Revolution .
NATIONAL COMMITTEE OF MARXIST-LENINIST UNITY
Italian Communist Marxist-Leninist Party
For contacts and information:
Henri Chambre - «Le marxisme en Union soviétique - Idéologie et institutions» - Éditions du seuil - Paris, 1955
Livre remarquable d'un homme remarquable : intellectuel, ingénieur, jésuite, membre de la Résistance, sur les théories de Marx et d'Engels, de Lénine et de Staline, sur l'histoire et les institutions soviétiques.
«Henri Chambre est né à Chambéry en 1908. Études secondaires aux lycées de Chambéry et Grenoble. Élève de l'École Nationale Supérieure des Mines de Saint-Étienne. Ingénieur civil des Mines. Entré dans la Compagnie de Jésus en 1933. Études de théologie à la Faculté de Fourvière à Lyon.
Rédacteur de l'Action Populaire depuis 1946 et professeur à l'Institut Social de l'Institut Catholique de Paris depuis 1947. Entre temps a pris part à la Résistance à Lyon dans le mouvement clandestin du Témoignage Chrétien, puis dans le Vercors durant l'été 1944. Chef du bataillon de réserve, Henri Chambre est chevalier de la Légion d'Honneur, titulaire de la Médaille de la Résistance et de deux citations.
A collaboré à diverses revues :
Cahiers de Notre Jeunesse, Revie de l'Action Populaire, Études, Esprit, Économie et Humanisme, La Vie Intellectuelle, La Chronique Sociale, Économie Appliquée, Cahiers de l'I.N.E.D. auxquelles il a donné plusieurs articles ou études consacrés aux problèmes soviétiques.»
Henri Chambre - «L'évolution du marxisme soviétique - Théorie économique et droit» - Éditions du seuil - Paris, 1974
«Histoire du Mouvement communiste international (1848-1917)» - 2 tomes
Tome I : Origines et développement du marxisme
Tome II : L'apport du léninisme
Édition originale : Éditions du Peuple, Changhaï, 1976
Traduction en français : Danielle Bergeron - E-100 (Éditions du Centenaire), collection «Petite bibliothèque chinoise», Paris, 1978
Le texte «Histoire du Mouvement communiste international (1848-1917)», en deux tomes, est un texte de vulgarisation de l'histoire de ce mouvement et des théories du marxisme-léninisme jusqu'en 1917. C'est donc un résumé succint, clair et simple, qui, en tant que tel, a ses limites.
Le tome II est correct, mais les thèmes qu'il traite sont mieux expliqués dans un autre texte de vulgarisation, l'«Histoire du Parti communiste (bolchévik) de l'URSS».
Antonio Artuso - Reconstruction communiste Canada - 09-11-2013
Textes d'Enver Hoxha
Sommaire des extraits :
- Rapport présenté au Comité central du Parti du Travail d'Albanie, le 13 février 1957 (Sur le révisionnisme titiste);
- Discours prononcé à la réunion des 81 partis communistes et ouvriers à Moscou le 16 novembre 1960 (Déclaration de guerre au révisionnisme khrouchtchévien);
- Discours, entretiens et articles (1969-1970) (Sur le caractère des "réformes" économiques et politiques des khrouchtchéviens);
- Les superpuissances (À propos des divergences franco-américaines - 1970);
- Les khrouchtchéviens - Souvenirs (Sur la succession de Staline);
- Rapport d'activité du C.C. du P.T.A. présenté au VIIe Congrès du PTA le 1er novembre 1976 (Sur les partis marxistes-léninistes en occident);
- Rapport d'activité du C.C. du P.T.A. présenté au VIIIe Congrès du PTA le 1er novembre 1981 (Sur l'auto-gestion titiste ; la restauration capitaliste en URSS ; les révoltes contre l'impérialisme au Moyen Orient);
- Réflexions sur la Chine (Tome II) (Sur le caractère de la révolution chinoise);
- L'eurocommunisme c'est de l'anticommunisme - Institut Norman Bethune, Toronto, 1980;
- Avec Staline - Souvenirs - Institut des études marxistes-léninistes - Comité central du Parti du Travail d'Albanie - Tirana, 1979;
Staline n'a pas quitté Moscou encerclée par les troupes nazies